Imagine an alternative universe in which Israel was led by a morally upstanding patriot who cared about the country’s reputation and the fate of Jews worldwide.

 PRIME MINISTER Benjamin Netanyahu holds a news conference in Jerusalem, earlier this year.  (photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)
PRIME MINISTER Benjamin Netanyahu holds a news conference in Jerusalem, earlier this year.
(photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)

Israel has begun what looks like a limited operation in Rafah, but seven months after October 7, the parameters have not changed. Half the hostages have not returned, no alternative to Hamas has been allowed to emerge in Gaza, Israel’s international standing has collapsed, its relationship with the US is on the rocks, the economy has taken a hit, antisemitism is skyrocketing, and much of country is convinced the government is prolonging the crisis to stay in power. It’s clearly not great.

Now imagine an alternative universe in which Israel was led by a morally upstanding patriot who cared about the country’s reputation and the fate of Jews worldwide. Imagine that the prime minister understood the power of words to do good and of public diplomacy to persuade. And imagine – why not? – that this was Benjamin Netanyahu.

Whether or not a limited hostage deal is somehow reached in the coming days, such a prime minister could flip the entire narrative dramatically at any moment by holding an English-language news conference aimed at the world and containing honest truths and easy-to-understand messages with zero political scheming.

For starters, he’d express deep regret over the loss of life in Gaza.

“I know it has been severe, although I am not inclined to believe Hamas numbers. We did our best with a situation in which Hamas uses the population as a human fortification unlike any that history has seen and seems to seek as much ‘martyrdom’ as possible. Hamas is evil incarnate, and I weep for the Palestinians who are saddled with such maniacal rulers.” That part of the message should be beamed to every US college campus.

Benjamin Netanyahu speaks about hostage deal, May 7, 2024. (credit: PRIME MINISTER'S OFFICE)

He would make clear that Israel has no desire to occupy Gaza and no intention of compelling the population to flee. “We are only there to remove the threat that attacked us on October 7 unprovoked, massacred over 1,200 people, and promised with great arrogance to do it again.

“I ask every Palestinian: What would you have recommended that we do, at that point? Wait for them, then, to do it again? I’m genuinely curious. Is that what you would have done?”

A departure from cynicism and self-righteousness 

The prime minister would say these last words without the kind of smirking, self-righteous cynicism we’ve come to expect. He would sound like a mensch, making each listener feel personally addressed. That’s because the prime minister is no fool and knows that empathy begets empathy and sometimes even sympathy.

THE PRIME MINISTER would, at this point, diverge not only from the style but from the content that has characterized Netanyahu hitherto. He would say he is prepared to end the war right now in exchange for all remaining hostages.

He would look into the camera and speak slowly words that will be replayed on every television station in the Arab world: “Dear Palestinians, dear people of Gaza: The war can end right now. This minute – this very second. No more death and destruction. Life and reconstruction instead. It is the decision of Hamas.”

He would make clear that Israel wants to engage the world, the region, and the Palestinians in a day-after plan. And he would offer the Palestinians a choice – after the hostages have all been released.

One option would be for Israel to pull out of Gaza and let the chips fall where they may, which probably means Hamas will remain in power despite its military degradation.

“For us to do this, there is a major precondition. The group must commit itself to never again attack Israel from Gaza – not with rockets, not with exploding balloons, and definitely not with an invasion by armed barbarians. This must be declared by the Political Bureau in documents submitted to the Arab League. We understand it is unlikely, but we are giving you this choice. If you take it, then something good will have come of this war. I will sell this to the Israeli people. Let’s see you explain yourselves to the people of Gaza.”

If Hamas is unwilling to do this – and it is close to a certainty that it won’t – then it would have a second option as well. The prime minister would explain that Israel would allow the entire leadership of the organization and anyone who participated in October 7 – thousands of bloodthirsty fanatics and fools – to leave the Strip in a flotilla guarded by the United States Navy and headed to whatever country agrees to take them. Turkey and Qatar are deserving candidates. Israel would undertake not to attack them there in the future as well.

Here, the prime minister would finally address what Israel would like to see happen in the Strip the day after Hamas. He would jettison the self-defeating boycott of the Palestinian Authority, saying that the PA would be invited to return to Gaza, from which it was expelled by Hamas in 2007. He would add that Israel would be hoping that the PA revises the problematic school curricula in which pupils are not educated for peace and that it would need to accept assistance, from Israel or from an Arab force, on security in the territory.

He would add that Israel would, in exchange for acquiescence in these areas, offer extremely significant financial aid to rebuild the Strip and set it on the road to a reasonable degree of prosperity.

The prime minister would also mention the elephant in the room – the world community’s desire to see a two-state solution in which the West Bank issue is also resolved. Repeating words Netanyahu and other Israeli leaders have said in the past, the prime minister would explain that Israel does not want to forever govern the Palestinians because it aims to be a democratic, Jewish-majority country. But he would add that there’s a catch.

“What happened on October 7 makes it impossible for us to remove the military completely from the West Bank because if that territory fell into the same hands that attacked us from Gaza, the damage would be many times greater.

“For this, you have Hamas to blame. Every person who supports Hamas supports continuing a level of threat against us that does not allow progress. Therefore, addressing the security danger – which is a real danger for us, and not paranoia – is the key. We will be working on this with all our partners, but we need some time. Let’s focus first on a real solution for Gaza.”

He would conclude with a broader message that will resonate around the world: “Palestinian and Arab friends, and also enemies: We want peace, but we will not roll over. The Jewish people are in Israel to stay. Work with us and you will find a supporter and a champion. The past seven months have offered a glimpse of the hell that awaits us if the radicals prevail. Let’s instead ensure that this never occurs again.”

The prime minister will have not committed to anything that Israel should not itself desire – but the deck will have been completely reshuffled. Even if Hamas rejects all the options, among serious people in the world there will be clarity at last, and Israel would have international legitimacy to press on. This is good, because there is no great advantage in dwelling alone.

I know – the prime minister who does this cannot be Netanyahu. It really does appear that basically nothing drives him but a lust for power and the most vulgar of political calculations. That’s why Israel needs a new election with urgency. But I would love to be proved wrong.

The writer is the former chief editor of The Associated Press in Europe, Africa and the Middle East, the former chairman of the Foreign Press Association in Jerusalem, and the author of two books about Israel. Follow his newsletter “Ask Questions Later” at danperry.substack.com.